🔻BazarKurdistan: The rise of the “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) and, simultaneously, the emergence of the Rojava revolution in northern Syria created one of the most complex political and security landscapes in the Middle East. However, if we look from a different angle, we see that ISIS is more than just an extremist group—it is the product of geopolitical conditions and power relations.
ISIS and the Post-Colonial Power Vacuum
ISIS cannot be understood without the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the collapse of state structures. By eliminating local elites, engineering sectarian divisions in power, and weakening the Iraqi army, a power vacuum emerged. ISIS grew out of the remnants of al-Qaeda and Ba’athist networks displaced from power, quickly gaining territory and financial resources.
In Syria, too, the internal crisis and competition among regional and international forces created fertile ground for ISIS. The West and regional actors, prioritizing geopolitical interests, effectively turned the group into a usable force.
Rojava: A Radical and Postcolonial Alternative
In contrast, the Rojava revolution was an unprecedented political and social project. Based on “democratic confederalism,” it emphasizes local self-governance, multiethnic participation, and gender equality. The inclusion of women in political and military leadership has made this revolution a radical model and a threat to the patriarchal order and regional nation-state systems.
Rojava demonstrated that governance can be built on life, social justice, and cooperation between communities without necessarily relying on violence.
Turkey and the Nation-State Logic
From the perspective of security and national identity, Turkey viewed Rojava as a strategic threat. Any Kurdish autonomy, even beyond Turkey’s borders, was considered dangerous. Turkey’s early policy in the Syrian crisis—from allowing jihadist movements to crossing its borders to turning a blind eye to ISIS activities—can be analyzed as a tactical use of ISIS to eliminate Rojava.
The West and Crisis Management
The West also used ISIS as a “crisis management tool”: to justify military presence, protect geopolitical interests, and contain local liberation projects. ISIS was not only a regional security threat but also enabled the West to legitimize its policies and limit projects such as Rojava.
The Conflict of Two Logics of Power
One can say that ISIS and Rojava represent two different logics of power:
- ISIS: centralized, death-driven, patriarchal, and territorial
- Rojava: decentralized, life-driven, feminist, and community-oriented
Thus, the battle between them is not merely a struggle between religious extremism and secularism, but a confrontation between two models of governance and two logics of power.
Rojava, Autonomous Administration
Rojava, officially known as the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), is a self-governed region in northern Syria. Since its emergence during the Syrian civil war, Rojava has developed a unique political and economic model based on principles of decentralization, cooperativism, and social ecology. However, the region faces significant economic challenges stemming from political isolation, ongoing conflict, and limited access to international markets.
Economically, Rojava is heavily dependent on agriculture and natural resources. The region’s fertile lands along the Euphrates River support crops such as wheat, barley, cotton, and olives, which form the backbone of local production. Livestock farming and fishing also contribute to the food economy. Additionally, Rojava possesses energy resources, including oil and natural gas, particularly in the Deir ez-Zor and Hasakah regions. However, extraction and export of these resources are constrained by the ongoing conflict with both the Syrian government and Turkish-backed forces, as well as international sanctions that limit access to global markets.
A defining feature of Rojava’s economic system is its focus on cooperative enterprises and communal ownership. The administration encourages the formation of local cooperatives in agriculture, manufacturing, and trade, emphasizing collective management and profit-sharing. This model aims to reduce inequality, empower women, and strengthen community resilience. Women’s cooperatives, in particular, have played a significant role in creating economic opportunities in a traditionally patriarchal society. Despite these efforts, cooperatives often struggle with limited funding, lack of infrastructure, and difficulties accessing larger markets.
Rojava’s industrial sector is small and largely underdeveloped. Local industries include small-scale food processing, textiles, and handicrafts. The region’s infrastructure, including electricity, roads, and water supply, has been severely damaged by years of war, making industrial growth difficult. Moreover, transportation and trade are restricted due to blockades at borders with Turkey and Syria, which further isolates the economy.
Another major challenge is the region’s reliance on humanitarian aid. International organizations and NGOs provide food, medical supplies, and basic services, which are crucial for sustaining the population. However, this dependency highlights the vulnerability of the local economy and its inability to fully support its citizens independently. Inflation and currency instability, worsened by the Syrian pound’s depreciation, have also reduced purchasing power and increased economic hardship.
Despite these difficulties, the people of Rojava have shown resilience through innovative local solutions, such as community-run markets, localized energy projects, and small-scale trade networks with neighboring regions. The administration’s emphasis on self-sufficiency, ecological sustainability, and gender equality has shaped a unique economic experiment in a war-torn context.
In conclusion, Rojava’s economy is marked by a mix of potential and fragility. Agricultural resources, energy deposits, and a cooperative-based model provide opportunities for sustainable growth. Yet political isolation, conflict, infrastructure destruction, and reliance on external aid continue to pose significant obstacles. The region’s economic future depends on stabilization, reconstruction, and the ability to integrate into wider regional and international economic networks while maintaining its distinctive social and cooperative principles.
Meghan Bodette, A journalist writes in a report from Kobane:
I just spoke to two contacts from Kobane, northern Syria. One is inside the city now. One is in the Jazira region but has family remaining there. Both say the Damascus government’s advance is traumatizing locals. It reminds Kurds of ISIS in 2014: “First there was a siege, and then there was a terrible attack.” People can see the footage of abuses from Sheikh Maqsoud and other parts of Syria and fear that they will be next. “On the media, they say there is a ceasefire. On the ground, war continues.” This trauma is not unfounded. There is almost no one in Kobane who has not lost at least one relative to ISIS or Turkey-backed militias. One of the people with whom I spoke lost more than 10 people from her family during the ISIS war alone. There is no safe passage from Kobane to any friendly territory. The city itself is located directly on the Turkish border, in sight of two military bases. Turkish forces regularly fire warning shots at people who approach the border wall to access adjacent farmland or properties. “On the east side there is Gire Spi. The gangs [Turkey-backed SNA militias] are there. On the west side is Jarablus, they’re there too. Now, with government forces between Jarablus and Ain Issa, Kobane has been surrounded.” Kobane residents have already been deprived of access to some basic services. “We do not have electricity after the government took the dam, this is one of the main challenges. HTS are in Ain Issa now, which means there is no road from Kobani to Raqqa or Hasakah. This will affect the medical field as well, there are people who need to move to Damascus or Qamishlo for medical services.” Increasing numbers of people are entering the city proper. Some Kurds who were in Raqqa and Tabqa fled to Kobane before the roads were cut, and people from surrounding villages are now moving towards the city center. ‘We want our voice to reach the world,” said one, criticizing international silence. There was a global response when ISIS attacked Kobane more than 10 years ago. So far, today, there has been nothing of the sort.
